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Immanuel Kant defined "anarchy", in terms of the "state of nature", as a lack of government. He discussed the concept of anarchy in order to question why humanity ought to leave the state of nature behind and instead submit to a "legitimate government".[33] In contrast to Thomas Hobbes, who conceived of the state of nature as a "war of all against all" which existed throughout the world, Kant considered it to be only a thought experiment. Kant believed that human nature drove people to not only seek out society but also to attempt to attain a superior hierarchical status.[34] While Kant distinguished between different forms of the state of nature, contrasting the "solitary" form against the "social", he held that there was no means of distributive justice in such a circumstance. He considered that, without law, a judiciary and means for law enforcement, the danger of violence would be ever-present, as each person could only judge for themselves what is right without any form of arbitration. He thus concluded that human society ought to leave the state of nature behind and submit to the authority of a state.[35] Kant argued that the threat of violence incentivises humans, by the need to preserve their own safety, to leave the state of nature and submit to the state.[36] Based on his "hypothetical imperative", he argued that if humans desire to secure their own safety, then they ought to avoid anarchy.[37] But he also argued, according to his "categorical imperative", that it is not only prudent but also a moral and political obligation to avoid anarchy and submit to a state.[38] Kant thus concluded that even if people did not desire to leave anarchy, they ought to as a matter of duty to abide by universal laws.[39] Defense of the state of nature[edit] In contrast, Edmund Burke's 1756 work A Vindication of Natural Society, argued in favour of anarchist society in a defense of the state of nature.[40] Burke insisted that reason was all that was needed to govern society and that "artificial laws" had been responsible for all social conflict and inequality, which led him to denounce the church and the state.[41] Burke's anti-statist arguments preceded the work of classical anarchists and directly inspired the political philosophy of William Godwin.[42] English political philosopher William Godwin, an early proponent of anarchy as a political regime In his 1793 book Political Justice, Godwin proposed the creation of a more just and free society by abolishing government, concluding that order could be achieved through anarchy.[43] Although he came to be known as a founding father of anarchism,[44] Godwin himself mostly used the word "anarchy" in its negative definition,[45] fearing that an immediate dissolution of government without any prior political development would lead to disorder.[46] Godwin held that the anarchy could be best realised through gradual evolution, by cultivating reason through education, rather than through a sudden and violent revolution.[47] But he also considered transitory anarchy to be preferable to lasting despotism, stating that anarchy bore a distorted resemblance to "true liberty"[45] and could eventually give way to "the best form of human society".[46] This positive conception of anarchy was soon taken up by other political philosophers. In his 1792 work The Limits of State Action, Wilhelm von Humboldt came to consider an anarchist society, which he conceived of as a community built on voluntary contracts between educated individuals, to be "infinitely preferred to any State arrangements".[48] The French political philosopher Donatien Alphonse François, in his 1797 novel Juliette, questioned what form of government was best.[49] He argued that it was passion, not law, that had driven human society forward, concluding by calling for the abolition of law and a return to a state of nature by accepting anarchy.[50] He concluded by declaring anarchy to be the best form of political regime, as it was law that gave rise to tyranny and anarchic revolution that was capable of bringing down bad governments.[51] After the American Revolution, Thomas Jefferson suggested that a stateless society might lead to greater happiness for humankind and has been attributed the maxim "that government is best which governs least". Jefferson's political philosophy later inspired the development of individualist anarchism in the United States, with contemporary right-libertarians proposing that private property could be used to guarantee anarchy.[52] Anarchist thought[edit] Proudhon[edit] Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, the first person to self-identify with the term "anarchist" and one of the first to redefine "anarchy" in a positive sense Pierre-Joseph Proudhon was the first person known to self-identify as an anarchist, adopting the label in order to provoke those that took anarchy to mean disorder.[53] Proudhon was one of the first people to use the word "anarchy" (French: anarchie) in a positive sense, to mean a free society without government.[54] To Proudhon, as anarchy did not allow coercion, it could be defined synoymously with liberty.[55] In arguing against monarchy, he claimed that "the Republic is a positive anarchy ... it is the liberty that is the MOTHER, not the daughter, of order."[54] While acknowledging this common definition of anarchy as disorder, Proudhon claimed that it was actually authoritarian government and wealth inequality that were the true causes of social disorder.[56] By counterposing this against anarchy, which he defined as an absence of rulers,[57] Proudhon declared that "just as man seeks justice in equality, society seeks order in anarchy".[58] Proudhon based his case for anarchy on his conception of a just and moral state of nature.[59] Proudhon posited federalism as an organizational form and mutualism as an economic form, which he believed would lead towards the end goal of anarchy.[60] In his 1863 work The Federal Principle, Proudhon elaborated his view of anarchy as "the government of each man by himself," using the English term of "self-government" as a synonym for it.[61] According to Proudhon, under anarchy, "all citizens reign and govern" through direct participation in decision-making.[62] He proposed that this could be achieved through a system of federalism and decentralisation,[63] in which every community is self-governing and any delegation of decision-making is subject to immediate recall.[62] He likewise called for the economy to be brought under industrial democracy, which would abolish private property.[64] Proudhon believed that all this would eventually lead to anarchy, as individual and collective interests aligned and spontaneous order is achieved.[65] Proudhon thus came to be known as the "father of anarchy" by the anarchist movement, which emerged from the libertarian socialist faction of the International Workingmen's Association (IWA).[66] Until the establishment of IWA in 1864, there had been no anarchist movement, only individuals and groups that saw anarchy as their end goal.[67] Bakunin[edit] Mikhail Bakunin, who infused the term "anarchy" with simultaneous positive and negative definitions One of Proudhon's keenest students was the Russian revolutionary Mikhail Bakunin, who adopted his critiques of private property and government, as well as his views on the desirability of anarchy.[68] During the Revolutions of 1848, Bakunin wrote of his hopes of igniting a revolutionary upheaval in the Russian Empire, writing to the German poet Georg Herwegh that "I do not fear anarchy, but desire it with all my heart". Although he still used the negative definition of anarchy as disorder, he nevertheless saw the need for "something different: passion and life and a new world, lawless and thereby free."[69] Bakunin popularised "anarchy" as a term,[70] using both its negative and positive definitions,[71] in order to respectively describe the disorderly destruction of revolution and the construction of a new social order in the post-revolutionary society.[72] Bakunin envisioned the creation of an "International Brotherhood", which could lead people through "the thick of popular anarchy" in a social revolution.[73] Upon joining the IWA, in 1869, Bakunin drew up a programme for such a Brotherhood, in which he infused the word "anarchy" with a more positive connotation:[74] .mw-parser-output .templatequote{overflow:hidden;margin:1em 0;padding:0 32px}.mw-parser-output .templatequotecite{line-height:1.5em;text-align:left;margin-top:0}@media(min-width:500px){.mw-parser-output .templatequotecite{padding-left:1.6em}}We do not fear anarchy, we invoke it. For we are convinced that anarchy, meaning the unrestricted manifestation of the liberated life of the people, must spring from liberty, equality, the new social order, and the force of the revolution itself against the reaction. There is no doubt that this new life – the popular revolution – will in good time organize itself, but it will create its revolutionary organization from the bottom up, from the circumference to the center, in accordance with the principle of liberty, and not from the top down or from the center to the circumference in the manner of all authority. It matters little to us if that authority is called Church, Monarchy, constitutional State, bourgeois Republic, or even revolutionary Dictatorship. We detest and reject all of them equally as the unfailing sources of exploitation and despotism. See also[edit] .mw-parser-output .div-col{margin-top:0.3em;column-width:30em}.mw-parser-output .div-col-small{font-size:90%}.mw-parser-output .div-col-rules{column-rule:1px solid #aaa}.mw-parser-output .div-col dl,.mw-parser-output .div-col ol,.mw-parser-output .div-col ul{margin-top:0}.mw-parser-output .div-col li,.mw-parser-output .div-col dd{page-break-inside:avoid;break-inside:avoid-column} Anti-authoritarianism Criticisms of electoral politics Libertarian socialism List of anarchist organizations Outline of anarchism Power vacuum Rebellion Relationship anarchy State of nature References[edit] .mw-parser-output .reflist{margin-bottom:0.5em;list-style-type:decimal}@media screen{.mw-parser-output .reflist{font-size:90%}}.mw-parser-output .reflist .references{font-size:100%;margin-bottom:0;list-style-type:inherit}.mw-parser-output .reflist-columns-2{column-width:30em}.mw-parser-output .reflist-columns-3{column-width:25em}.mw-parser-output .reflist-columns{margin-top:0.3em}.mw-parser-output .reflist-columns ol{margin-top:0}.mw-parser-output .reflist-columns li{page-break-inside:avoid;break-inside:avoid-column}.mw-parser-output .reflist-upper-alpha{list-style-type:upper-alpha}.mw-parser-output .reflist-upper-roman{list-style-type:upper-roman}.mw-parser-output .reflist-lower-alpha{list-style-type:lower-alpha}.mw-parser-output .reflist-lower-greek{list-style-type:lower-greek}.mw-parser-output .reflist-lower-roman{list-style-type:lower-roman} ^ Bell 2020, p. 310. ^ Dupuis-Déri 2010, p. 13; Marshall 2008, p. 3. ^ Chartier & Van Schoelandt 2020, p. 1; Dupuis-Déri 2010, p. 13; Marshall 2008, pp. 19–20; McKay 2018, pp. 118–119. ^ Chartier & Van Schoelandt 2020, p. 1; Dupuis-Déri 2010, pp. 14–15. ^ Marshall 2008, p. 3; Morris 2020, p. 40; Sensen 2020, p. 99. ^ Amster 2018, p. 15; Bell 2020, p. 310; Boettke & Candela 2020, p. 226; Morris 2020, pp. 39–42; Sensen 2020, p. 99. ^ Bell 2020, p. 310; Boettke & Candela 2020, p. 226; Morris 2020, pp. 43–45. ^ Marshall 2008, p. 42; McLaughlin 2007, p. 12. ^ Amster 2018, p. 23. ^ Bell 2020, p. 309; Boettke & Candela 2020, p. 226; Chartier & Van Schoelandt 2020, p. 1. ^ Boettke & Candela 2020, p. 226; Morris 2020, pp. 39–40; Sensen 2020, p. 99. ^ Boettke & Candela 2020, p. 226. ^ Dupuis-Déri 2010, pp. 16–17. ^ Dupuis-Déri 2010, pp. 17–18. ^ a b Marshall 2008, p. 3. ^ Marshall 2008, p. 66. ^ Dupuis-Déri 2010, p. 9. ^ Dupuis-Déri 2010, p. 11. ^ Marshall 2008, p. 74. ^ Marshall 2008, pp. 106–107. ^ Marshall 2008, pp. 98–100. ^ Marshall 2008, p. 100. ^ Davis 2019, pp. 59–60; Marshall 2008, p. 487. ^ Marshall 2008, p. 487. ^ Davis 2019, pp. 59–60. ^ Morris 2020, pp. 39–40. ^ Marshall 2008, p. x; Sensen 2020, pp. 99–100. ^ Marshall 2008, p. x. ^ Marshall 2008, pp. 13–14. ^ Marshall 2008, pp. 13–14, 129. ^ Chartier & Van Schoelandt 2020, p. 3. ^ Marshall 2008, p. 14. ^ Sensen 2020, p. 99. ^ Sensen 2020, pp. 99–100. ^ Sensen 2020, p. 100. ^ Sensen 2020, pp. 100–101. ^ Sensen 2020, p. 101. ^ Sensen 2020, pp. 101–102. ^ Sensen 2020, pp. 107–109. ^ Marshall 2008, p. 133. ^ Marshall 2008, pp. 133–134. ^ Marshall 2008, p. 134. ^ Marshall 2008, p. 206; McLaughlin 2007, pp. 117–118. ^ Marshall 2008, p. 488. ^ a b Marshall 2008, pp. 214, 488. ^ a b Marshall 2008, p. 214. ^ McLaughlin 2007, p. 132. ^ Marshall 2008, pp. 154–155. ^ Marshall 2008, p. 146. ^ Marshall 2008, pp. 146–147. ^ Marshall 2008, p. 147. ^ Marshall 2008, p. 497. ^ Marshall 2008, p. 234. ^ a b Prichard 2019, p. 71. ^ Prichard 2019, p. 84. ^ Marshall 2008, p. 239. ^ Marshall 2008, pp. 5, 239; McKay 2018, pp. 118–119; McLaughlin 2007, p. 137. ^ Marshall 2008, pp. 5, 239; McLaughlin 2007, p. 137. ^ Marshall 2008, p. 39. ^ Marshall 2008, p. 7. ^ Marshall 2008, pp. 252, 254. ^ a b McKay 2018, p. 120. ^ Marshall 2008, p. 252; McKay 2018, p. 120. ^ McKay 2018, pp. 120–121. ^ Marshall 2008, pp. 254–255. ^ Marshall 2008, pp. 235–236. ^ Graham 2019, p. 326. ^ Marshall 2008, pp. 269–270. ^ Marshall 2008, p. 271.